Tuesday, November 09, 2010

Rupert and the denegation of class warfare

An editorial in The Australian last week panned the ABC’s “highly subjective documentary” broadcast the night before, I Spry, which attempted to document the career of ASIO boss, Colonel Charles Spry.

Counterpointing that was a piece in The Age next day that dealt with the 1928 war on Melbourne’s docks, in which police violence against unionists at the behest of captains of industry was allegedly improperly investigated and subject of a “whitewash”.

The Australian, needless to say, fails to recognise certain other “realities of the Cold War,” such as the open warfare practised by the State, in lockstep with powerful commercial interests, against working people.

Such open sores on the body politic perhaps inevitably further radicalised a significant segment of organised working people, arguably driving them headlong into the arms of the so-called “communist conspiracy”. It couldn’t really be helped because the ruling establishment couldn’t bloody help themselves.

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Thursday, May 27, 2010

Industrial disease

Suicides among industrial workers in China are occurring at an alarming rate.

In particular, a plant in the southern Chinese boomtown of Shenzhen operated by Taiwan’s Hon Hai Group (which manufactures consumer electronics such as iPhones and iPads) has just recorded its ninth suicide this year.

Hon Hai chairman Terry Gou offered the following “as he bowed at a press conference”:

“I offer my sincerest apologies to society, the entire public, all our employees and their families because we had no way of preventing these things from happening. Will it happen again? From a logical, scientific standpoint, I don’t have a grasp on that.”

Apart from improving general working conditions, one wonders have they considered maybe an immediate 15% pay rise might help perk everybody up a bit?

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Tuesday, July 14, 2009

Rudd's Industrial Apocalypse

Fair Work legislation restores many trade union privileges abolished under Howard's Work Choices legislation.

So Gerard Henderson in today’s SMH. Henderson clearly implies that, under the government’s IR laws, the union movement is about to barge back through the door so to speak. The largely unregulated and, by implication in the comparison, more responsible WorkChoices will have all its good work undone. Australia’s economy will suffer and jobs will, of course, be lost.

This is to believe that Australia’s economic performance (specifically the unemployment rate) over the last several years is a result of the visionary deregulation of “Howard’s Work Choices legislation”. That the ability of organisations to erode work and pay conditions – by the use of that labour market and economic panacea the AWA – and to terminate “at will” under the removal of “unfair dismissal” protection has been a driver of employment and economic activity.

Whilst there is little doubt that the intent of the AWA was to provide the mechanism for such undermining of conditions, the take up was always limited and then, when used, serially abused (as the - at the time - ever hard to lay hands on statistics indicate). Recall that Howard wanted no safety net built into this system.

In respect to unfair dismissal, the ability to terminate has never equated to the propensity to employ. In any case many “small businesses” employed under common law contracts and, in the “industrial” arena (distribution for example) under the casual and limited tenure contract arrangements permitted under awards and agreements.

Henderson clearly believes that under Fair Work Australia the above “flexibility” enjoyed under Work Choices will be replaced by the straightjacket of union “privileges”.

Two of Rudd's labour market initiatives are capable of being quite counterproductive in this time of economic downturn. Reintroduction of unfair dismissal laws on small business is a real disincentive for employers to take on staff. And the Government's call for Fair Work Australia to modernise awards in the retail sector - which employs many part-time and casual staff - could raise penalty rates and, consequently, significantly increase the cost of employment. Both initiatives would be of concern at the best of economic times.

Really? Mr Henderson hasn’t been keeping up with the Australian Industrial Relations Commission and its ongoing process of award modernisation. The object of this process is to pare down the great number of industrial awards in this country and, in the process, remove much union “demarcation” producing fewer “Modern Awards”. Modern Awards, according to the legislation, “must be simple to understand and easy to apply, and must reduce the regulatory burden on business”. As well, these awards will include a “flexibility clause” which clause, in summary, “will enable an employer and an individual employee to agree on arrangements to meet the genuine individual needs of the employer and the employee”.

As one can well imagine, the union movement has had much to say on these matters. Individual unions and the ACTU have made many submissions on the forms of these new awards and, more importantly, the flexibility clause. In the main the AIRC has dismissed such submissions as not complying with the intent of the legislation – particularly with respect to the flexibility clause. In this regard unions have suggested that agreements made under this clause be able to apply collectively. The Commission roundly rejected this:

The use of terms such as “individual employee” and “individual needs” and “the individual employee” leave no room for doubt on the issue. For this reason the model clause should not provide for agreements between an employer and a majority of employees.

But back to Henderson’s fretting over Modern Awards and the assertion that they “could raise penalty rates and, consequently, significantly increase the cost of employment”. Whilst that is a possibility, the AIRC has, to date, refused to alter such provisions which already apply in this regard. Indeed it is rolling these into “industry sector” awards and leaving such matters to the relevant tribunals. Perversely, for Henderson, the Modern Award Flexibility Clause can allow for a reduction in these matters.

The purpose of a model flexibility provision is to permit a reduction in one or more minimum award entitlements as part of an agreement which meets the genuine individual needs of the employer and the employee without disadvantaging the individual employee.

The specific clauses that this provision can vary are listed in clause one of the Commission’s “Model Clause”:

An employer and an individual employee may agree to vary the application of certain terms of this award to meet the genuine individual needs of the employer and the individual employee. The terms the employer and the individual employee may agree to vary the application of are those concerning:

(a) arrangements for when work is performed;
(b) overtime rates;
(c) penalty rates;
(d) allowances; and
(e) leave loading.


Looky there! The very matters Henderson mentions.

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Tuesday, July 08, 2008

Delicious disappointments

It’s almost delicious. The ACCI is, as I write, undergoing its annual tearing out of the hair and rending asunder of its opulent board room curtaining. Yes the AFPC has ruled on the latest National Wage case. It has awarded an increase of $21.66 per week to those “pay scale reliant” low paid Australian workers.

“Pay scale reliant” is code for those paid at a rate prescribed by an award. Thus a worker engaged under the benchmark Metals, Engineering and Associated Industries Award must be paid a minimum weekly wage of $543.78.

The reaction from The ACCCI has been predictable. It is forecasting that this increase will flow into price increases and, obviously, fuel inflation. It had wanted something limited to last year’s ruling at tops and preferably under. Its argument for this is that wages are a function of money paid to workers and tax cuts granted by the government. It claimed that something near to or fewer than ten dollars plus the government’s tax cuts would be sufficient. This is a position it has advocated religiously. No matter that tax cuts are not wages; the government does not “pay” workers via tax cuts.

The ACCI statement states:

This minimum wage increase is likely to flow on into price increases. The AFPC has underplayed the impact of recent economic developments, including interest rate increases and fuel price volatility, on the businesses which must apply this wage increase. The AFPC has also overstated the extent to which economic conditions support such an increase.

In other words, prices go up, inflation goes up and the economy will not support it (= loss of jobs). Sound familiar?

2005: Today’s $17 increase is at odds with Australia’s slowing economy and the ongoing challenges of unemployment and underemployment. The economic and labour market material before the Commission did not justify the level of increase awarded.

2006: Employers will be entitled to feel disappointed and concerned at the magnitude of this increase. They will be forced to pay this large increase without any accompanying requirements for increases in productivity in their businesses.

A wage increase of this size has the strong potential to be economically damaging. This decision will not assist jobs growth or the employment prospects of those out of work.

2007:...today’s $10.26 increase to the minimum wage means that employers, mainly small businesses, will have to pay increases of $37.62 per week in the 10 months from last December to this October.

While we welcome the more moderate nature of today’s increase, we remain concerned that the Fair Pay Commission has ordered another increase when the ink is barely dry on the last increase.

However, $10.26 still equates to a 2% increase on the minimum wage. We estimate, based upon official forecasts, 10 months of inflation since the last increase to be 1.65% to October first.

In other words unaffordable, irresponsible and dangerous to the economy. In all those years (and those the ACCI opposed prior) the economy sailed on and the jobs market became tighter.

That last – the harping about inflation – is another theme run each year. The ACCI constantly compares these rises in percentage terms to the rate of CPI. It then, every year, claims that the rises are ahead of inflation and therefore are unaffordable and inflationary. A clue to its logic is in its reaction to the 2006 decision:

It appears that the 5.6% increase completely matches the 5.6% headline inflation rate that occurred over the last 18 months. If the AFPC has used the headline rate of inflation as its benchmark for increases, that is a significant improvement on the old system…

You see the ACCI always uses the underlying inflation rate, not the “headline” rate. That is the rate that either severely discounts volatiles such as petrol, rent, some foodstuffs and the like. Problem is, when the low paid worker rocks up to the pump to fill his car his petrol price is not discounted or ignored. Nor does his real estate agent discount his rent increase in line with “underlying inflation”. No, these people pay those volatiles at the prices asked.

Yet another gem in that 2006 release is this:

If the magnitude of this rise is based … on the fact that 18 months have passed since the last decision (rather than the usual 12 months), then the AFPC has made a fundamental error. A high wage rise payable in perpetuity cannot be explained …

Meaning one shouldn’t compensate “in perpetuity” for the fact that six months rather than eighteen months had passed since the last increase. Presumably it is fine to treat it as twelve months and underpay “in perpetuity” the other six months.

What is delicious though is this appended to the 2005 critique of the last decision by the AIRC:

It is entirely appropriate that this is the final national wage increase under the current law. The government should now move to implement the major workplace relations reforms recently outlined by the Prime Minister.

Employers will call on the proposed Australian Fair Pay Commission (AFPC), supported by appropriate legislation, to deliver more balanced and targeted minimum wages, which take better account of the circumstances and capacities of employers, and better support them in creating and maintaining jobs..

This – the AFPC – was to be the forum where the ACCI would take back the high ground. The AFPC – a creature of Work Choices – would provide the home ground advantage.

The utter surprise at the first decision and the awful disappointment that has settled over the ACCI since is palpable.

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Thursday, February 21, 2008

Australian Workplace Agreements: non-existent figures released

From an Australian Government press release:

The Workplace Authority has provided the Government with data compiled and analysed from a sample of over 1700 Australian Workplace Agreements lodged between April and October 2006, data the previous Liberal government claimed didn’t exist.

The analysis of the 1748 AWAs shows that 89 per cent removed at least one so-called protected award condition:

  • 89 per cent excluded one or more so-called protected award conditions
  • 83 per cent excluded two or more so-called protected award conditions
  • 78 per cent excluded three or more so-called protected award conditions
  • 71 per cent excluded four or more so-called protected award conditions
  • 61 per cent excluded five or more so-called protected award conditions
  • 52 per cent excluded six or more so-called protected award conditions
  • 40 per cent excluded seven or more so-called protected award conditions
  • 30 per cent excluded eight or more so-called protected award conditions
  • 16 per cent excluded nine or more so-called protected award conditions
  • 8 per cent excluded ten or more so-called protected award conditions
  • 2 per cent excluded all eleven so-called protected award conditions

The analysis also revealed the so-called protected award conditions that were most frequently removed:

  • 70 per cent removed shift work loadings
  • 68 per cent removed annual leave loadings
  • 65 per cent removed penalty rates
  • 63 per cent removed incentive based payments and bonuses
  • 61 per cent removed days to be substituted for public holidays
  • 56 per cent removed monetary allowances
  • 50 per cent removed public holidays payment
  • 49 per cent removed overtime loadings
  • 31 per cent removed rest breaks
  • 25 per cent removed declared public holidays

The limited data revealed that 75 per cent of the 1487 AWAs sampled did not provide for a guaranteed wage increase.

These are the statistics the former Liberal government didn’t want to tell the Australian people about. These are the individual statutory agreements that the Liberal Party brought to Australian working families.

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Thursday, January 03, 2008

Organised organisation makes ambitious ambit claim

Union thuggery threatens to overwhelm the construction industry. Chief Executive of the Master Builders Association, Wilhelm Harnisch, is worried that...

“Many of the enterprise agreements are up for renewal, and obviously the CFMEU seem to be emboldened by the new ALP Government to put out a fairly ambitious ambit claim.”

But Deputy PM Julia Gillard is making gentle cooing noises, saying that...

... industry-wide strikes would be illegal and the building industry has nothing to fear.

“That will simply be unlawful under Labor’s policy and employers will have quick and effective legal remedies,” she said.

“The Australian Building and Construction Commission is there to make sure the rules are adhered to and there will always be a strong cop on the beat in the building industry under Labor.”

Hey...!! Just whose side is this woman on, anyway?

Meanwhile, we’re all still awaiting confirmation of John Howard’s ambitious ambit prediction that the sky will fall in when Australia has coast-to-coast Labor governments.

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Tuesday, November 27, 2007

Poker face

With the sky not falling in, but in fact rather expanding rapidly skywards following the electoral victory of Rudd Labor, surprising admissions continue to emerge from employer unions groups.

Employers attacked the former [Howard] government for keeping secret its analysis of Australian Workplace Agreements, declaring the Coalition’s lack of transparency had made it difficult for business to defend the workplace laws.

Gee guys, there’s nothing there that hasn’t been said for a long time by the then Labor Opposition, labour unions, academics and others in the general community. Neither is the following any great revelation to most Australians:

Business said it struggled to sell Work Choices to apprehensive workers and that the laws had become cumbersome and overly bureaucratic, particularly since the introduction of the Fairness Test in May.

Such admissions from employer unions groups may lead one to speculate around at least two possibilities. Either...

  1. Employer unions groups really didn’t know, prior to the election, that the Howard Government was “keeping secret its analysis of Australian Workplace Agreements”, and weren’t aware of “the Coalition’s lack of transparency” on IR policy. This forced them unwittingly to “defend the workplace laws” and with “difficulty” to plough millions of their dollars, at the Government’s behest, into the anti-Labor advertising blitz.
  2. Or

  3. Employer unions groups really did know all that, but were playing their cards close to their chest in the hope that their man would pull that rabbit out of the hat and, upon re-election, pay out some more on their wishlist.

Call me a cynic, but I’d tend to go with (2) above as the more likely scenario.

Clearly, the gambit failed, but their reserve gambit of courting the “incredibly positive” Rudd Labor Government is surely unfolding, even as we ordinary peons, with bleary eyes, adjust to the brave new post-Howard world.

By the way, it would seem Mr Howard and his gang were so right with their dire predictions that the unions would rampantly exercise undue influence over a Rudd Labor Government. Mr Rudd hasn’t even been sworn in, and yet the business unions groups are already falling over themselves to get in for their chop.

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Monday, November 12, 2007

A tale of two Jims.

"You lose a close friend, I say to you: 'David, I'm sorry that you lost your mate Jim'," Howard said. "But I don't say I apologise for it. I don't accept responsibility for it."



The PM, John Howard, with part of his well practiced lawyer’s humbug trotted out regularly when Aboriginal reconciliation is raised. Dead simple and works a treat too – especially on a compliant press corps. In fact, it works so well that the PM was inclined to wheel it out for the latest interest rate rise.

Calling a press conference he fronted the journos, Costello at his side playing Danny Glover to his Mel Gibson, and somberly intoned that he was “sorry”for the sixth rate rise since the ’04 election. Except that he wasn’t actually sorry. What he failed to inform the press, as well as those of us watching on the TV news grabs, was that he was speaking as an individual – not the Prime Minister. Therefore he wasn’t apologising for the rise, merely expressing sorrow to us Davids out there.

Well, it appears that business may now be called by the moniker David. The business Davids may be the next in line for a non apology. Professor Mark Wooden, from the Melbourne Institute (sounds like a hotbed of socialists that), has taken to the PM with – pardon me – a wooden spoon. He is most upset over the treatment of his mate Jim, the AWA (hereafter Jim) and states that the government’s “fairness test” has “killed” him off:



Mark Wooden says the Prime Minister has killed off Jim - the Howard Government's individual employment contracts - by introducing a fairness test that prevented employers from cutting labour costs.

Professor Wooden, from the Melbourne Institute, said employers were "lining up" before the fairness test started in May because they could legally reduce pay and conditions.

But the advantage vanished, he said, when Mr Howard "rolled over"
to public pressure and guaranteed that penalty rates and other conditions could not be traded away without giving workers compensation.


The “advantage” vanished. Which advantage? Why the one that “legally” allowed employers to “reduce pay and conditions” of course. The one created by the raftof laws – unannounced during the ’04 campaign – that required no such “scuttling” safety net.

And it would appear that employers aren’t aware that Jim (and his advantage) is “dead” as they are still submitting agreements, at least fifty percent of which, would only pass pre “safety net”. Or, to put it in the words of Nick Minchin: the fairness test is having "teething troubles" as employers take time to understand their obligations. The question here is: how many are now in place that contravene this “safety net”, that is, that pre-date May?

Professor Wooden is really quite peeved at the PM’s pandering to popular politics. Not only that, he quite neatly skewers another ideological reason for these laws:


"AWAs are dead - he can say what he likes. You'll still get companies like Rio Tinto going for AWAs, but that will be for reasons other than cutting labour costs. They're using them to get rid of unions."


Ouch! Not in an election campaign Professor! If the good professor is looking for an apology from the PM he’ll have to accept one from the private individual like the rest of us.

The quoted article from the OZ finishes with the following paragraph:


Mr Howard introduced AWAs in his first group of workplace laws in 1997 with a "no disadvantage test" that meant workers could not be worse off than under
minimum awards. This test was abolished under Work Choices last year, then reinstated to some degree by the fairness test in May.

One would do well to remember it. You see, the “fairness test” was not ever required last year. There would be no further changes – they were not needed. The fact is, business does not believe it was needed and, as I’ve said before, you can bet your last dollar the PM doesn’t either. He never has; he stated so many times last year and when the laws were shoveled through Parliament in November ’05.

Should he win this election, I suspect that average working Davids, sometime not too long after – certainly before “well into the term”, will have a little sorrow directed his or her way. It will not be an apology, just an expression of regret or sorrow from a private individual at the passing of another Jim, Jim the “fairness test”.

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Sunday, November 11, 2007

Minchin stuffs big, fat, pregnant cat back into bag

Following Prime Minister John Howard’s disavowal of a further wave of industrial relations reforms should his government be returned to office in the coming election, Finance Minister Nick Minchin has disavowed his avowed view of last year that a further wave of IR reforms is desirable.

As is well known, Senator Minchin touted the need for further IR reforms in a speech last year to the H.R. Nicholls Society. But now we can confidently rewrite history and confirm that he didn’t say it, he never did say it, and he never will say it — well, certainly not during the present election campaign.

This is important, indeed momentous, because Senator Minchin is a man with an uncanny sixth sense about what the voting public thinks, wants and feels.

Defending the convention that politicians may claim travel allowance on the election trail right up until their formal party launches, the Minister oraculated:

I think Australians understand they want to hear the political messages from both sides of politics and to do that you’ve got to get around the country.

Given the fuzziness of Senator Minchin’s avowals and disavowals, we can’t be sure whether this is actually a defence of that particular convention, or laying the groundwork for jettisoning yet another convention.

We can only anticipate with bated breath further communiqués from this enigmatic articulator of the zeitgeist.

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Sunday, November 04, 2007

Howard stuffs big, fat, pregnant cat back in bag

“Some people will believe us, some people won’t, that always applies in election campaigns, but we do not have any plans to further change the industrial relations system.”

One wonders if those who “will believe” will be the same people who believed the PM’s non-pledge in the 2004 campaign not to introduce a further wave of industrial relations “reforms” that became known as WorkChoices.

Or maybe those who “will believe” will be the same people who believed the PM would act “in the national interest”, regardless of election non-pledges, by introducing a further wave of industrial relations reforms that became known as WorkChoices.

When Finance Minister Senator Nick Minchin told the H.R. Nicholls Society last year that a further wave of IR reforms — beyond WorkChoices — was needed, this was excused by Government spinmeisters as “a personal view” that was not necessarily representative of the Government’s thinking. That Minchin expressed “his” view as a prominent government front-bencher was apparently neither here nor there.

So, in the game of Alice-in-Wonderland croquet that is contemporary Australian politics, maybe Labor could “get away with” excusing Peter Garrett’s change-it-all gaffe — or non-gaffe, as the case may be — as merely expressing a “personal view” that was not necessarily representative of the Government-in-waiting’s thinking: “We are a broad church,” etc.

Incidentally... if Labor is “anti-jobs” because it opposes (or, at least, says it does) the Government’s IR platform, then is the Government “anti-jobs” because it introduced a “Fairness Test” as an antidote to the electoral poison of Australian Workplace Agreements?

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